The Case Against Iran

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This step is something President Donald Trump really, really wants to do no matter what his senior foreign-policy advisors tell him , which in effect means punting the whole issue over to Congress. It was a requirement Congress imposed back when the deal was approved under President Barack Obama.

The Ideologue’s Case Against Iran - Geopolitical Futures

Declaring Iran to be non-compliant irrespective of what the facts may be , simply kicks the issue down the Mall to Capitol Hill. For the past 20 years or more, senators and representatives have been able to score a lot of cheap political points by sponsoring anti-Iranian resolutions, sanctions, and other legislation — mostly intended to show how tough they are and to appease the constant pressure they get from the Israel lobby and one suspects, the Saudi lobby as well.

Directly ending the JCPOA would mean Congress would own a policy that could either lead to Iran actually getting the bomb or to a situation where the United States had to go to war to prevent it.

Does anyone in Congress really want to take full responsibility for either of those outcomes, and in the full glare of public scrutiny? Trending Now Sponsored Links by Taboola. Sign up for free access to 3 articles per month and weekly email updates from expert policy analysts. Create a Foreign Policy account to access 3 articles per month and free newsletters developed by policy experts.

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The Case Against the Iranian Nuclear Deal Is One Big Lie

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And Netanyahu off course knows this. But what then is the real reason Netanyahu wants to stop the deal? Rahman Roi Maor Analysis News.

Timeline of U.S. sanctions against Iran (1979 - present)

Related stories Out of Iran deal, into war? Pillar May 1, By Idan Landau February 7, Newer post older post. Israeli police 'scandalous' for trying to deport U. For any other inquiry, contact: Palestinian poet Dareen Tatour set free.

When support for Israel means abandoning universal values. The Oslo era is finally over, but it only gets worse from here.

Dizzy from victory, the Western world indulged itself with optimistic ideas about the future that just a few years earlier had been unthinkable. In Europe, a Cold War alignment of Western European states now became enlarged to continental proportions. The Maastricht treaty was signed the year after the Soviet Union collapsed, and the European Union came into being the year after that. The EU was a noble dream, one which held that the only thing necessary for continued peace in Europe was a shared prosperity with the countries that had been trapped behind the Iron Curtain.

In some ways, though, the United States was just as delusional as Europe. It was a sentiment embodied best by a mode of thought we now call neoconservatism. Neoconservativism had its roots not in the spread of U. But when the world order changed after , so too did the way the U.

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The first laboratory for this change was the Clinton administration, which was generally characterized by liberal internationalism — a practice that, like neoconservatism, advocates the spread of American values around the world. They disagreed markedly on how this should be done.

Neoconservatives distrusted international institutions; liberal internationalists supported them. And so the U. When the administration of George W. Bush took office, the neoconservatives got their chance to apply their principles on a global scale. Newly empowered and free of the constraints the competition with the Soviet Union had imposed on American foreign policy, they had freedom to think more ambitiously than they had had before.

The neoconservatives came to believe that the spread of U. It was essential to U. This kind of ideological crusade is more effective against ideological enemies, so the U. This is the historical context in which U. President Donald Trump has appointed John Bolton — one of the most aggressive neoconservatives of the Bush era — as his national security adviser.

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The move sends mixed signals, to say the least. Unsurprisingly, his appointment has caused confusion and apprehension for U. Modern Russia is not the Soviet Union — its animating principle is Russian nationalism, not proletarian revolution — and Moscow believes this is a saner basis upon which to conduct bilateral relations. But perhaps no country is more worried about the developments in the Trump administration than Iran. All indications suggest Trump will abrogate the Iran deal on May Whether it happens on May 12 or on some other day is immaterial; the fact is that Washington is on the verge of forfeiting a pragmatic relationship with Tehran for an openly hostile one.

Superficially, this makes a certain amount of sense. The Iran nuclear deal arose out of a specific set of geopolitical circumstances. Iran recognized the rise of the Islamic State as the potentially existential threat it was, one that at best could prevent Iran from being a major player in the Middle East and, at worst, unite Sunni Arabs against it.

The Case Against Iran The Case Against Iran
The Case Against Iran The Case Against Iran
The Case Against Iran The Case Against Iran
The Case Against Iran The Case Against Iran
The Case Against Iran The Case Against Iran

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